Monday, June 14, 2010

Foucault, the Individual and Midnight Madness



Since the sixteenth century, a new political form of power has been continuously developing. The new political structure, as everyone knows, is the state. But most of the time, the state is envisioned as a kind of political power which ignores individuals, looking only at the interests of totality, or, should I say, of a class or a group among the citizens. That’s quite true. But I’d like to underline the fact that the state’s power (and that’s one of the reasons for its strength) is both an individualizing and a totalizing form of power. Never, I think in the history of human societies – even in the Old Chinese society – has there been such a tricky combination in the same political structures of individualization techniques, and of totalization procedures.


[Foucault, Subject and Power: 13]


Power then works through the individual – it gets consolidated on and through the ‘class’ or ‘group among citizens’ or ‘population’. However, there is never any given or pre-existing population; population always comes after the individual. So when power needs to govern the population, it has to inevitably work its way up through its smaller units, namely the individual, then the family, then the community. This leads to the following situation: the state concentrates on its totalizing procedures and is thus focused on the larger group, the population. The sterilization drives, immunization programes, literacy mission, NREGA (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act), NRHM (National Rural Health Mission), RCH (Reproductive and Child Health) policies, dai training programmes and so on – all focused on the ‘total’ – the total over-reproducing group to be sterilized, the total under-5 group of Indian children to be immunized, total mass of illiterate people to be educated, total BPL group to be provided work, total rural mothers to be given diet supplementation, total number of untrained dais to be clinically trained, and so on.


However, each of the initiatives must necessarily work through the individual, else there is no group, no total outside of her/him. Yet, the paradox is the attention is not on the individual – the state is not bothered if one dai remain untrained, if one woman remain illiterate, if one infant dies too soon, if one woman does not get the 100 day job (barring perhaps the vaccination drive, especially the one to eradicate small pox and polio, and that too probably because of the potential of the left-behind child to contaminate others, something that would not happen so directly in other instances of education of 100 day work). This then becomes the strange phenomenon when the individual is focused on but not attended to – she is only a conduit for the state to pass knowledge and at the end consolidate a mission. The mission is never to attend to the individual but to make the power/knowledge pass through her. The state needs a human body, a citizen-subject body, a willing body and this body is not the material body but a symbolic agentic body that willing to lie under the scanner and let the knowledge pass through her. The materiality of the body is required only when it comes to injecting her with contraceptives or vaccinating her. At most other times it is a different fragment of her biological body – the capacity to learn to sign when it comes to adult literacy missions, the willingness to go to the polling booth and cast the vote, the workability of the hands and feet necessary to toil for 100-days, the womb that can be sterilized.


This is a wonderful predicament for the modern subject of the state; she is there and is also invisible. Even in genocides and major calamities (like the Bhopal Gas Drama) the bodies are counted and enumerated; the individuals are kept as a list for relatives to claim. The state comes closest to the dead individual when it comes to providing compensation, to prepare the cheque. But at the end it is again a narrative of the population, the population of deads – 152 killed and 1 lakh per dead.


And even now, with the “internal threat” menacing our trains and train lines every passing hour, the state is possessed with ‘Maoists’ – again a collective category…we are still not bothered to reach the individual, to talk, to listen, to try to settle scores. And we are still saying, “tribals are getting caught inbetween”. And the tribals, the natives of free-secular-democratic-India are still not individual humans beings to us, individuals who are living the life of deads, who are living under the threat of death – from the state (police) or the Maoist – every single minute (even as I am happily typing this on my gadget, knowing only too well that neither the state nor the naxal will barge into my room and rape me and shoot me down). They are still a vague collective for us, who are either all with the Maoists and thereby eligible for encounter deaths or poor souls whom we shall pity for and then displace en bloc as we build the 100th mine on their homelands...


Perhaps the state will never attend to individuals, we shall always remain a conduit for democracy and the good-citizenship stories to flow through…


Perhaps it’s only the individuals who can be of some help to the other…


Perhaps it’s time the Self met the Other… perhaps there’s some promise in it after all…



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Kolkata/ Mumbai, India
I try to think...think through; I know mere thinking doesn't change the world. But I also know that self-reflexivity is the first necessary step...the trembling and unsure but so very important step of the toddler.Well, I begun my political journey late enough...have just learnt to barely stand up on my own...and I have miles to go before I sleep...and the woods have always been dark and lovely and deep...

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